MANY OF US are fond of referring to "American religion," as if that were a thing to be described. But anyone who has spent much time on the ground (or in churches) knows that there are lots of ways in which that term has to be modified, and one of the most significant modifiers is regional. I have lived in six of the eight regions identified in the Religion by Region series, and who I am religiously, and who people think I am, has varied enormously according to where I was living.

As a kid in Missouri, I was a Baptist, and that identity said not only that I belonged to an important church but that I was on the right side of the great eternal divide, ready to defend my salvation against the other contenders around me. When my family moved to Arizona, I joined the tail end of the white evangelizers who hoped to bring faith and education to the Native American and Mexican laborer population that surrounded us. In southern California, our next stop, people thought we were from Texas and just figured we were one more in a trail of exotic breeds that seemed to flourish on the Pacific shores. What they didn't know was that Southern Baptists and other evangelicals were becoming an institutional force to be reckoned with.

More than a decade later, when I was a pastor's wife on the other coast, the people who heard "southern" and "Baptist" seemed to assume that meant "snake handler" and closed the door as quickly as possible. Then, when we actually moved to the South, we experienced the cognitive dissonance of being assumed to be part of the irresistible evangelical mainstream while practicing a form of Baptist life that eventually got our church kicked out of the denomination.

Now I live in New England, and I'm an American Baptist--part of the "mainline," but we're anything but mainstream and powerful. People are polite about our religious identity, but no one assumes that our church will make the news. The pages of our local paper are largely reserved tar the doings of the Roman Catholic Church.

Who makes the news--and why and how--is part of the story this series seeks to tell. In part, it is an attempt to educate the public, including reporters, on the unique religious history and ecology of America's regions. With funding from the Lilly Endowment, the Leonard E. Greenberg Center for the Study of Religion in Public Life at Trinity College in Hartford undertook the massive task of assembling scholars and data and producing eight books, each containing both demographic overviews and focused essays on the features that distinguish each region's religious life. Mark Silk and Andrew Walsh, the center's director and associate director, persuaded an impressive array of historians, sociologists and religion scholars to contribute their formidable insight.

As with any edited collection, some chapters are better than others, but on balance, there is plenty here to reward readers who want a closer look at the role of religion in the particular places that make up this extremely varied nation. Each volume includes introductions and conclusions that draw out common regional themes. There is also a general overview chapter that presents the necessary numbers--from ethnic and educational patterns to just how many Baptists or Catholics or, for that matter, Sikhs and Muslims there are in the U.S. The remaining chapters address the distinct practices and histories of the dominant groups and include a variety of essays that take up such topics as the roles of southern religious women, patterns of new religious immigration, and even the religious urban geography of Chicago. Taken together, they constitute an encyclopedic introduction to the myriad stories that make up "American religion."

THE QUALITY of this team of authors and editors was essential, because the statistical data from which they had to work simply cannot tell the whole story. The absence of a national religious census in the U.S. means that we are always confined to filling in numerical gaps with educated guesswork. Each of the sources used here provides a wealth of information, but each has significant limits as well--and the three do not overlap perfectly. The North American Religion Atlas (NARA) depends on the 2000 membership numbers compiled by the Glenmary Research Center (a decennial project undertaken since 1950). For many groups, these numbers provide a fairly accurate county-by-county picture, but to the extent that a group provided sketchy data (lots of round numbers always raise questions) or no data at all, these "adherent" numbers fail to reflect the actual religious composition of a given area.

For instance, Samuel Hill argues convincingly that many of the religions that thrive in Appalachia are precisely the sort that don't look kindly on anyone who wants to count them. The high number of presumed "nonadherents" in those counties distorts the picture.

In a different way, Kathleen Flake reminds us that a lot of the people not on the rolls of the local Latter-day Saints ward are probably nevertheless Mormon--just not in good enough standing to be counted. A nonadherent in either of these places is a very different thing from the nonadherent in the Pacific Northwest whose family has perhaps been unaffiliated with organized religion for generations. Just how many real nonadherents there are is something we simply cannot know.

Using K. Lewin's (1938) concept of a force field analysis, a model is proposed for examining the challenges of providing career counseling in Asia in terms of prevailing and countervailing forces. The model also suggests a need to avoid a simple importation of Western models of career counseling, which may not be an optimal fit for the Asian cultural context. Instead, the cultural accommodation approach is offered as a viable alternative.

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As the globalization movement is rapidly taking hold, it is incumbent upon us in the counseling profession to evaluate its impact on how we practice and conduct research. The purpose of the special section in this issue has been to highlight how career counseling is being practiced in Asia. As the final article in the issue, I would like to take the opportunity to share with you a conceptual model for analyzing the challenges for career counseling in the Asian cultural contexts. On the basis of the preceding articles in this issue, I would like to offer a broad conceptual framework for understanding some of the challenges discussed by these authors.

The model I am proposing is based on the application of a Lewinian force field analysis. Using such an analysis, I will discuss the challenges of providing career counseling in Asia as essentially one of transferring Western models to Eastern cultural contexts. Because details of this model have already been presented elsewhere (see Leong & Santiago-Rivera, 1999), I provide only an overview here. Borrowing from Lewin's (1938, 1975) famous formulation that behavior is a function of the interaction between the person and his or her environment (i.e., B = f[P, E]), it is proposed that some of his conceptualizations can be extended and applied to a higher level phenomenon. Whereas Lewin primarily focused on an individual's personality and behavior, his concepts can be readily applied to social movements as well, such as our present topic--the movement of transferring Western models of career psychology and career counseling to the East.
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Table 1 illustrates a proposed model of social movement, which parallels Lewinian concepts. For Lewin, a person and his or her psychological environment are contained in an individual life space. Our parallel is the social environment's social space, which contains a variety of social institutions and social movements. Therefore, the advances of a movement, like the importation of Western models of career counseling, can be studied and understood in view of this force field analysis that delineates the prevailing and countervailing forces. Similar to Lewin's equation, our present equation is SM = f(P, C), where the advances and development of a social movement would be a function of the prevailing and countervailing forces. These prevailing and countervailing forces are similar to Lewin' s driving and restraining forces in his analysis of personality dynamics. Like Lewin's theory, these forces come from individual needs and valences (value for a particular person).

The social movement of transferring (if viewed from the Western perspective) or importing (if viewed from the Eastern perspective) Western models of career psychology and career counseling to Asian countries is subject to a series of prevailing and countervailing forces. The challenges of providing career counseling in Asia is embedded in these prevailing and countervailing forces. My current model of the prevailing forces is not meant to be exhaustive but, instead, to illustrate the utility of my application of the Lewinian model to understanding this problem. The prevailing forces (see Table 2) that have facilitated the transfer or exportation of Western models of career psychology and career counseling have included the Western countries' reliance on and advancement in science. The advances in science and technology in the West, supported by stable political contexts, have resulted in advanced and affluent economies, which in turn can invest further in science, especially the social sciences.

In many Asian countries, their economies and their reliance on science and technology are less well developed. When viewed in light of this differential, it seems quite evident that there would be a natural gradient in the flow of scientific information and models from the West to the East. This gradient in the flow of science and technology from the West to the East operates through such mechanisms as Asian countries' reliance on Western institutions of higher education to train and educate their political and intellectual elites. This development can be readily understood from the perspective of Maslow's Hierarchical Model of Needs (Maslow, 1970). In Western countries, where a long history of reliance on science and technology has produced well-established and affluent economies, greater resources can be freed up to be devoted to the higher order needs, particularly psychological ones, because the lower order survival needs have been taken care of relatively well. It is no accident, therefore, that psycholo gical theories and interventions are much more established in Western cultures than in Asian cultures. The fact that Western and Asian countries are on different levels in Maslow's hierarchical model contributes to the natural gradient mentioned earlier.

MOST OF THE 30 new staff members gathered at the United States Air Force Academy for orientation are in their 20s and 30s. Some are air force personnel and some are academy graduates. Some are veterans of the Gulf War, while others served in Iraq. A speaker is talking to them about leadership and character. Suddenly he says, "The academy has been isolated and has drifted away from standard air force practice. If you see anything that doesn't jibe with standard air force practice, please question it."

He is no doubt referring to a recent series of scandals at the academy--from indecent behavior by drunken cadets to poor handling of incidents of sexual assault. Apparently his comment is the new party line: the academy has been isolated too long; the time has come for integration into broader military standards and for a significant change in culture.

The most recent controversy, however, has nothing to do with violence or drunkenness among the cadets. The academy has been accused of tacitly and sometimes explicitly promoting evangelical Christianity, of allowing inappropriate proselytizing by faculty, instructors and cadets, and of creating an atmosphere hostile to those of non-Christian faiths or no religious faith at all.
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Kristen Leslie, an assistant professor in pastoral care at Yale Divinity School, visited the academy in the summer of 2004 to observe basic training and help the chaplains respond to cases of sexual violence. A report by Leslie and academy chaplain Melinda Morton questioned the evangelizing that is occurring at the academy. In one instance, says Leslie, a Protestant chaplain at a worship service told cadets that if their bunkmates were not born again, they "would burn in the fires of hell."

At the same time, Mikey Weinstein, a 1977 academy graduate, was collecting evidence of more than 50 incidents of religious intolerance and inappropriate behavior by staff, faculty or cadets during his son's time at the academy. Some of these incidents have been reported in the media. Mr Force Academy football coach Fisher DeBerry once hung a sign in the locker room that said, "Team Jesus Christ." Another instructor handed out tracts to cadets who came to see him. A high-ranking officer taught his cadets a hand signal meaning "Jesus Christ" and called upon them to display it at various assemblies.

The last straw for Weinstein was the air force chaplain code of ethics, developed by the National Conference on Ministry to the Armed Forces, a private organization that supplies and accredits military chaplains. Although Weinstein agreed with one statement in the code, "I will not actively proselytize from other religious bodies," he objected to another, "However, I retain the right to instruct and/or evangelize those who are unaffiliated." In October 2005, following Weinstein's complaints, the code was withdrawn for "further review."

Discouraged by this move, and by what he saw as paltry efforts at responding to an aggressive evangelical atmosphere, Weinstein filed a lawsuit citing the academy for "severe, systemic and pervasive" religious discrimination.

There's no doubting the evangelical atmosphere at and around the Air Force Academy. Looking out from the academy's upper campus in Colorado Springs, one can see the 14,000-member New Life Church, pastored by Ted Haggerty. Evangelical groups meet regularly at the academy, and evangelical chaplains, who see the military as both a mission field and a stronghold of Christian values, outnumber their nonevangelieal counterparts 12-1. As controversy about religion at the academy became more and more public, Focus on the Family jumped into the fray and created a video, shown at its headquarters, that attempts to frame the debate.

Colorado Springs is home to dozens of evangelical organizations whose members believe that they have a religious duty to shape and influence government and society. They see the military as a place where God, patriotism and a God-ordained social structure come together. The Air Force Academy seems to be that place: it actively recruits evangelical young people, and more than 85 percent of the cadets claim to be Christian.

In this atmosphere, the academy's response to the accusations has been slow and tentative. The strategy of the academy and of the Department of Defense, revealed in an investigation led by Lieutenant General Roger Brady, himself an evangelical Christian, has been to respond to instances of alleged intolerance rather than to any systemic problem. Their reluctance is understandable. After all, previous attempts at reform have led to vigorous backlash from politicians and church leaders. And if the academy acknowledged that religious intolerance is systemic and involves abuse of power, then its leaders would also have to acknowledge their tenuous position in relationship to the First Amendment, which says that the government will not use its power to "establish religion."

At nearly 50 workplaces around the country, it's "take your child to work day" every school day of the year. No, these companies aren't breaking child labor laws; they're recognizing and fulfilling a need for working parents to balance work and family and to give their children a good education--through workplace schools.

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Companies that invest in establishing elementary schools or kindergartens at or near their workplaces say any costs and associated responsibilities are more than offset by the competitive edge they gain in hiring, reducing turnover, developing a happier workforce and building good will in the community. Many employers find that the schools are a natural extension of on-site child care centers for infants, toddlers and preschoolers.

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Working parents say these on-site schools reduce stress, generate more family time and get them more involved in their children's education.

While the current number of workplace schools nationwide remains relatively small, there is the potential for solid growth in the future, according to experts such as Lisa Snell, director of education and child welfare at Reason Public Policy Institute, a Los Angeles-based think tank. The trend toward corporations launching schools has been stymied by the frustration of dealing with school district bureaucracies, according to Kevin P. Chavous, a partner in the law firm of Sonnenschein Nath and Rosenthal LLP, and former Washington, D.C., city councilman who served on the education committee.

But he believes the trend will grow despite the challenge. "It's starting to hit home" that problem-plagued school districts are not turning out the skilled workers that corporations need, Chavous says.

Organizations like his law firm are working to solve the problem. Sonnenschein is helping finance--with an initial grant of $1 million--and will manage an elementary school opening in August, in an underserved area of Chicago.

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Chavous sees an eventual "paradigm shift" toward educators focusing solely on curriculum development, teaching and other classroom issues while corporations take on the operational and management roles, including human resource functions.

If a workplace school receives any public financing, it operates either as a charter school or contract school. A charter school is designated by a school district, state board of education or other governing body that allows the school to act independently of local school district regulation, according to Snell. Charter schools are eligible for public school funds for each child they take from the school district.

A contract school is a partnership where the local school district operates the school on a corporate campus or in a business district as any other public school, and the company involved provides support, such as security and physical maintenance of the building.

Companies can choose whichever type works best for them, provided it satisfies state laws and school district parameters. Corporations also may contract with private firms to create and operate on-site schools.

Whatever the form, companies with workplace schools have found that this employee benefit pays off in numerous ways--recruitment, retention, enhanced employee morale and, more indirectly, improved education for students, which builds a smarter workforce for the future.

Schooling in the Sunshine State

Among the states most conducive to workplace schools is Florida, which is the only state that has specific legislation allowing contract schools, Snell says. Additionally, Florida is the only state that allows employers to host schools strictly for their employees' children.

Assurant Solutions, a Miami-based specialty insurer, was among the pioneers of workplace schools. On its campus, the company has a kindergarten through fifth grade contract school operated by the Miami-Dade County public school system.

The school, which opened in 1987 and grew grade by grade as enrollment rose, now has 250 students--all of whom are the children of employees. The company accepted the local school district's invitation to offer an alternative that would help ameliorate the overcrowding of schools. The company already had a day care, "and it was a natural outgrowth to consider going further," says Audrey Steiger, senior vice president of human resources with overall responsibility for the school.

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Assurant supervisors say employees are more productive and absenteeism is reduced among workers whose children attend the school. Also, turnover for these employees is between 5 percent and 7 percent, compared with 16 percent for the rest of the employees in Miami, Steiger says.

Having employees' children in the workplace school "keeps people more engaged in the workplace," believes Steiger. "It contributes to success for the student, the parent and the organization."

Robert Barnett, a non-union employee of US Airways, Inc., was transferred to a less demanding mail room position after injuring his back while working in a cargo-handling job. When the position he held became open for bidding on the basis of seniority rules unilaterally adopted by the company, US Airways rejected Barnett's request to exempt his position from bidding, and he lost his job to another, more senior employee.

Claiming that US Airways had failed to reasonably accommodate his disability, Barnett filed suit under the Americans with Disabilities Act. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit reversed a lower court's dismissal of his action and ruled that "a seniority system is not a per se bar to reassigmnent" but should be considered as a factor in deciding whether a proposed accommodation would pose an undue hardship to the employer.

The U.S. Supreme Court reversed the Ninth Circuit's decision. In a 5-4 decision, the Court held that in situations involving a conflict between a requested accommodation and a seniority system, "the seniority system will prevail in the run of cases." However, the disabled employee "remains free to show that special circumstances warrant...that...the requested 'accommodation' is 'reasonable' on the particular facts," since "special circumstances might alter the important expectations" raised by a seniority system. US Airways, Inc. v. Barnett, US, No. 00-1250 (4/29/02).

Impact: Employers may continue to award job assignments on the basis of union and employer non-union seniority systems, with only special circumstances altering their priority when considering a reasonable accommodation for a disabled employee.

D. Diane Hatch, Ph.D., is a human resources consultant based in San Francisco. James E. Hall is an attorney with the law firm of Barlow, Kobata & Denis, with offices in Los Angeles and Chicago.

INTERNET BUSINESS NEWS-(C)1995-2003 M2 COMMUNICATIONS LTD

Student accommodation web site Accommodation for Students has launched a new web site that offers young professionals the chance to view rental properties that are available in their chosen area.

The web site can be found at http://www.accommodationforprofessionals.com and has a search engine which lets visitors input their criteria. Once a suitable property is found the user can obtain the contact details of the landlord together with a map of the area and the exact location of the accommodation on offer.

The company claims that there are now 1,500 properties on offer from 500 landlords.

INTERNET BUSINESS NEWS-(C)1995-2003 M2 COMMUNICATIONS LTD

UK-based student accommodation web site Accommodation for Students has conducted research on the best places to be a student in the UK.

The survey of 1,720 students revealed that Cardiff was deemed the best place to study, followed by Edinburgh, Aberdeen, Cambridge and Newcastle upon Tyne. Bottom of the survey were Salford, Bradford and Middlesbrough.

Student visitors to http://www.accommodationforstudents.com were asked to rate their university location according to five criteria: going out, shops, transport links, community and facilities.